  
Probe Ministries
The New Absolutes
Reviewed by Rick Wade
Reality in the Balance
When Christians take a stand on a given moral issue--on abortion,
for instance--what are some typical responses? Someone might say,
"What right do you have to push your morality on the rest of
us?" Or, "Abortion might be wrong for you, but it's not for me."
What these people are implying is that such beliefs are
relative; that is, they are related to something else--an
individual's desires or circumstances, for example. Because people
change through time, however, something that is true or good for a
person today might not be so tomorrow. Nothing is true or good for
all people at all times.
Have you noticed, however, that many of the same people who claim
that truth and morality are relative can be found denouncing
certain political views, or actively pushing the social acceptance
of a formerly rejected lifestyle, or fighting for new rights in one
area or another?
Author William Watkins has noticed, and he's recorded his
thoughts in a new book titled, The New Absolutes. Watkins
believes that despite the rhetoric, Americans are in fact
not relativists; we are in reality absolutists. He
says that, rather than abandoning absolutes, we are simply
adopting new ones to replace the old.
It is now believed, Watkins says, "that truth and error, right and
wrong, beautiful and ugly, normal and abnormal, and a host of other
judgments are determined by the individual, . . . circumstances, or
. . . culture. . . . There is no transcendent God or universal
natural law we can point to that can inform us about who we are,
what our world is like, and how we should get along in it."
What is the source of this thinking? Watkins points to three
elements: a loss of belief in absolute truth, a strong belief in
tolerance, and a detachment from people and institutions as a
result of pessimism and distrust.
If Americans have concluded that ideas and morals are relative,
however, why does Watkins say Americans are really absolutists? We
are betrayed, he says, by our behavior.
Evidence that Watkins is right is seen in the glut of lawsuits in
the courts, calls for law and order in politics, moral outrage over
various offenses, cries for human rights, and the spreading of
liberal democratic ideas to other countries. Americans have an idea
of what is right, and we think others should agree with us. This is
not relativism.
More significant, though, is how an absolutist mentality is seen in
those who typically espouse relativism. For example, those who
scream the loudest for tolerance often restrict others to
saying and doing only what is politically correct. In the name of
pluralism secularists push religion out of the public
square. And multiculturalists condemn the West for its
cultural practices. It seems that what is sauce for the goose is
not sauce for the gander.
The average American who has come to accept relativistic notions of
truth and morality might fairly be accused of being only
inconsistent. But those who are real activists in the current fight
for cultural change must bear the charge of blatant hypocrisy.
Old Absolutes vs. New Absolutes
In his book The New Absolutes, William Watkins contrasts ten
traditional beliefs (old absolutes) with the ten beliefs that are
replacing them (new absolutes). Though these new beliefs might not
be "absolutes" in a strict, philosophical sense, they
function as absolutes in contemporary society.
In this essay I'll look at three issues Watkins discusses--pro-life
versus pro-death beliefs, religion in the public square, and
political correctness and tolerance--to see if, indeed, the social
activists mentioned earlier are really the relativists they claim
to be. As we consider these topics, I think you'll come to agree
with Watkins that the culture war is not being fought between
absolutists and relativists, but between two groups of
absolutists.
Death: What a Beautiful Choice
First, let's consider the pro-life versus pro-death question.
According to Watkins, the old absolute was: "Human life from
conception to natural death is sacred and worthy of protection."
The new absolute is: "Human life, which begins and ends when
certain individuals or groups decide it does, is valuable as long
as it is wanted."
Two issues which bring this new belief to the fore are
abortion and physician-assisted suicide. Few
practices are as fiercely opposed or defended as abortion.
Opponents say abortion is morally wrong for all people.
Proponents say it is a matter of individual choice.
Physician-assisted suicide draws similar responses.
It is easy to overstate the thinking of those espousing the new
absolute of the value of life. Probably very few would say that
they "love death" or would think of death as a "good" thing ranking
up there, say, with riches and great health and freedom. Rather,
death is more often thought of simply as the lesser of two
evils.
Nevertheless, there are many who think of death as a
positive thing, as something to be embraced, as the best answer to
suffering or to certain hardships of life that many people
experience.
Whether they think of death as a good thing or not, however, they
think of it as a right not to be tampered with. It is rooted, they
say, in a Constitutional "right to privacy."
In claiming this right, however, any foundation in relativistic
thinking must be abandoned. For the very "right" proponents claim
is itself an absolute. They are saying that the right of
individuals to decide for themselves should be observed by everyone
else. When they say it is wrong for pro-lifers to try to press
their beliefs on others, they are stating an absolute. If they say
that the value of human life is a matter of its quality rather than
of intrinsic worth, they are stating another absolute.
Some relativists will try to wriggle out of the charge of
absolutism by saying that their position might be right for now but
not necessarily for all times and all places. Nonethe-less, their
ideas about the value of human life and the option of death as a
solution to human suffering function as absolutes in our society
today.
Watkins is correct. The stubbornness of abortion advocates and
assisted-suicide proponents in defending their "rights" is good
evidence for the claim that Americans, despite all the talk, are
not relativists after all.
Freedom From Religion
It used to be held that "religion is the backbone of American
culture, providing the moral and spiritual light needed for public
and private life." Now, according to Watkins, we have a new
absolute: "Religion is the bane of public life, so for the public
good it should be banned from the public square."
Certainly there are those who are this adamant about the place of
religion. These are the ones who raise a fuss when a prayer is
uttered at a public school graduation ceremony or who complain when
a nativity scene is set up on public property at Christmas.
Probably the majority of Americans are not this combative about the
issue. However, for a variety of reasons many believe religion
should be kept separate from public life .
One reason is a misunderstanding of the First Amendment. We have
been told over and over again that the separation of church and
state requires that the government must not be involved with
religious matters in any way. The new absolute is this: religion
and public policy should be kept separate.
We don't often notice, however, that strict "separationists" do not
talk much about our nation's beginnings. A study of our founding
documents shows that religion was an integral part of Americans'
lives; references to the Bible and Christian beliefs are often
cited in the construction of our new government. Amazingly enough,
the writers of the Constitution did not see in it the "wall of
separation" current interpreters do.
Another reason people think religion should be kept a private
matter is a misunderstanding about religion itself. Having been
"schooled" in relativistic thinking, many (perhaps most) Americans
believe that whatever they believe is true for them, but not
necessarily for other people.
But this cannot be so. Religions provide an explanation of what is
ultimately real. Either there is one true God or there is
not. Either there is salvation through Jesus, or there is
enlightenment through meditation, or there is some other way to
find fulfillment. Not all of these can be true in
reality.
This issue gets really tangled up when we bring in the matter of
rights. The idea that everyone has the right to worship as he or
she chooses has been transformed to mean that each person's choice
of religion is true. "I have the right to believe as I wish"
becomes "My belief is as true as yours." The fact that I believe
something makes it true.
But is that how things work in other areas of life? If I believe
that I am a millionaire, does that make me one? With respect to
religion, does believing there is a God put Him there? Or does
believing there is no God produce a god-less universe?
The new absolutism with respect to religion is a very real concern
for many Americans. As Christians we are taught that our beliefs
have meaning for all of life, not just for the prayer closet, yet
bringing such beliefs out into the public arena has brought some
Christians great difficulty.
It is ironic that, in a nation which began with a strong desire for
the free expression of religious beliefs, people are now being
forced more and more to leave their beliefs at home.
Does this sound like relativism to you?
The Politically Correct Life
The hypocrisy of the new absolutism is seen more clearly than
anywhere else in what is now called "political correctness" or PC
for short.
To be politically correct is to be in line with certain ideals
promoted by the new cultural reformers, ideals such as abortion
rights, multiculturalism, gender feminism, and homosexual rights.
To say or do anything which goes against these ideals is to be
politically incorrect.
It is easier to understand PC if we think of it as the end of a
chain of thinking.
First is the acceptance of relativism, the idea that there are no
absolutes. This belief, taken with our democratic idea of equality,
results in the belief that everyone's beliefs and choices are equal
or equally valid. There should be no discrimination against other
beliefs or lifestyles. This is the new tolerance, the prime
virtue of the new reformers.
When history is viewed from this perspective, it seems clear that
history is the story of the strong taking advantage of the weak.
The weak--or disadvantaged--are victims who now require extra help
to attain their rightful place of equality. Merely belonging to a
victimized group is enough to expect this extra help regardless of
whether a given individual has been victimized. The advantaged must
now be sensitive to the "needs" of the disadvantaged to avoid
making them feel any more victimized and must work to protect their
rights. Finally, the advantaged must not do or say anything which
could be interpreted as differentiating the disadvantaged, of
showing them as different in a negative way. Being sensitive to the
plight of the "oppressed" and avoiding doing or saying anything
which might make them feel marginalized or inadequate or looked
down upon . . . this is political correctness.
It is certainly true that there have been and are people who
oppress others. This must be opposed. The problem with political
correctness, however, lies in over-correcting the wrong.
For example, in The New Absolutes, William Watkins lists
some words some real estate agents learn to shun in an effort to
avoid offending potential buyers. Executive has racist
overtones since most executives are white. Sports enthusiast
might make the disabled feel left out. Master bedroom
creates images of slavery. Walk-in closet could offend
people who can't walk.
Author Stan Gaede [pronounced Gay-dee], in his book When
Tolerance Is No Virtue, says that "the overt goal of PC . . .
is to enforce a uniform standard of tolerance, regardless of race,
gender, cultural background or sexual orientation. The problem is
that the items on this list . . . are not precisely parallel to
each other. Though each is the basis for discrimination in our
society, they involve very different kinds of issues. So the
question immediately becomes: What does it mean to be tolerant
in each case? . . . PC allows each group to define tolerance
for itself."
We have now come full circle. The relativism which purportedly
undergirds the new tolerance gives way to exactly what it was
trying to be rid of, namely, absolutes. That is, the reformers make
their own ideals the new guidelines for society. We are all
expected to abide by them. These are the new absolutes.
How should Christians respond to all this? Next, we'll look at how
the new absolutes are promoted, and we'll think about how we might
respond.
Absolutely For the Common Good
It's a myth that America is a relativistic society. The truth is,
Americans are a very moralistic people. What is alarming, however,
is how cultural reformers are seeking to establish new absolutes
which go against traditional ones. Watkins shows how these
reformers are setting up new rules we all must follow.
How shall we understand the contradiction between claims of
relativism on the one hand, and the imposition of new absolutes on
the other? Watkins believes the claim to relativism is an attempt
"to rationalize . . . misbehavior and disarm . . . critics." For
example, individuals might fall back on relativism to justify
sexual activity once held to be deviant. However, the supposed
relativist quickly becomes an absolutist when he wants
others to agree with him on a given idea or issue.
But if everything is relative, how are relativists able to convince
others of the rightness of their own beliefs? They can't appeal to
a foundation of unchanging realities and objective truths and be
consistent with their relativism.
So how do they do it? Calling opponents names, "fundamentalist" is
a popular term, or repeating simplistic clichés--"safe,
legal abortion" for example--are a couple of their favorite means.
The media play a strong role in this process, especially
television. Captivating images, clever writing, strategically
placed laugh tracks, and other elements persuasively convey ideas
without logical reasoning.
It is crucial that we step back to see what this situation sets us
up for. If we are conditioned to be persuaded by sloganeering
rather than by rational discourse, we are prepared to be taken in
by any smooth talker. All our clamor for rights and for the
authority of the individual has the unexpected result of preparing
us to lose our freedoms at the hands of charismatic
tyrants.
What can we do to turn things around?
First, Watkins believes that reality itself is on our side. The new
absolutes go against the way the universe is. Many women who opt
for childlessness, for example, find themselves late in life
confronting their own maternal instincts. We can point out these
facts to those who believe we can do anything we want and get along
quite nicely.
Second, we can learn to recognize sloganeering and insist that the
cultural reformers use sound reason when promoting their ideals.
Third, we can point to the hypocrisy of so-called relativists.
Homosexuals who barge in on church services demanding tolerance for
their lifestyle must see how intolerant they are. Those who
demand freedom of thought and expression cannot reasonably exclude
religious beliefs from public discourse.
As strange as it might sound at first, William Watkins calls us to
a renewed intolerance. He says, "We must violate the new
tolerance and become people marked by intolerance. Not an
intolerance that unleashes hate upon people, but an intolerance
that's unwilling to allow error to masquerade as truth. An
intolerance that calls evil evil and good good."
To reestablish the old absolutes, Watkins calls for the
acknowledgment of certain beliefs, such as: all life is precious;
relativism is false; the moral law is real; and, religion is
essential. A return to these basics will return us to sound public
policy-making, to greater civil order, and to moral progress.
© 1997 Probe Ministries International
About the Author
Rick Wade graduated from Moody Bible Institute with a B.A.
in Communications (radio broadcasting) in 1986. He graduated
cum laude in 1990 from Trinity Evangelical Divinity School with
an M.A. in Christian Thought (theology/philosophy of religion) where
his studies culminated in a thesis on the apologetics of Carl
F. H. Henry. Rick and his family make their home in
Garland, Texas. He can be reached via e-mail at
rwade@probe.org.
What is Probe?
Probe Ministries is a non-profit corporation whose mission is to reclaim the
primacy of Christian thought and values in Western culture through media,
education, and literature. In seeking to accomplish this mission, Probe provides
perspective on the integration of the academic disciplines and historic
Christianity.
In addition, Probe acts as a clearing house, communicating the results of
its research to the church and society at large.
Further information about Probe's materials and ministry may be obtained by
writing to:
Probe Ministries
1900 Firman Drive, Suite 100
Richardson, TX 75081
(972) 480-0240 FAX (972) 644-9664
info@probe.org
www.probe.org
Copyright (C) 1996-2008 Probe Ministries
Email this to a friend
copyright
© 1995-2008
Leadership U. All rights reserved.
Updated: 14 July 2002
|