  
Probe Ministries
School-Based Health Clinics
and Sex Education
Kerby Anderson
School-based Health Clinics
As comprehensive sex education curricula have been promoted in the
schools, clinics have been established to provide teens greater
access to birth control information and devices. Proponents cite
studies that supposedly demonstrate the effectiveness of these
clinics on teen sexual behavior. Yet a more careful evaluation of
the statistics involved suggests that school-based health clinics
do not lower the teen pregnancy rate.
The first major study to receive nationwide attention was DuSable
High School. School administrators were rightly alarmed that
before the establishment of a school-based health clinic, three
hundred of their one thousand female students became pregnant.
After the clinic was opened, the media widely reported that the
number of pregnant students dropped to 35.
As more facts came to light, the claims seemed to be embellished.
School officials admitted that they kept no records of the number
of pregnancies before the operation of the clinic and that three
hundred was merely an estimate. Moreover, school officials could
not produce statistics for the number of abortions the girls
received as a result of the clinic.
The most often-cited study involved the experience of the clinic at
Mechanics Arts High School in St. Paul, Minnesota. Researchers
found that a drop in the number of teen births during the late
1970s coincided with an increase in female participation at the
school-based clinics. But at least three important issues
undermine the validity of this study.
First, some of the statistics are anecdotal rather than
statistical. School officials admitted that the schools could not
document the decrease in pregnancies. The Support Center for
School-Based Clinics acknowledged that "most of the evidence for
the success of that program is based upon the clinic's own records
and the staff's knowledge of births among students. Thus, the data
undoubtedly do not include all births."
Second, an analysis of the data done by Michael Schwartz of the
Free Congress Foundation found that the total female enrollment of
the two schools included in the study dropped from 1268 in 1977 to
948 in 1979. Therefore the reduction in reported births could have
been merely attributable to an overall decline in the female
population at the school.
Finally, the study actually shows a drop in the teen birth rate
rather than the teen pregnancy rate. The reduction in the
fertility rate listed in the study was likely due to more teenagers
obtaining an abortion.
Today, more and more advocates of school-based health clinics are
citing a three-year study headed by Laurie Zabin at Johns Hopkins
University, which evaluated the effect of sex education on
teenagers. The study of two school-based clinics in Baltimore,
Maryland showed there was a 30 percent reduction in teen
pregnancies.
But even this study leaves many unanswered questions. The size of
the sample was small and over 30 percent of the female sample
dropped out between the first and last measurement periods. Since
the study did not control for student mobility, critics point out
that some of girls who dropped out of the study may have dropped
out of school because they were pregnant. And others were not
accounted for with follow-up questionnaires. Other researchers
point out that the word abortion is never mentioned in the brief
report, leading them to conclude that only live births were
counted.
The conclusion is simple. Even the best studies used to promote
school-based health clinics prove they do not reduce the teen
pregnancy rate. School-based clinics do not work.
Sex Education
For more than thirty years proponents of comprehensive sex
education have argued that giving sexual information to young
children and adolescents will reduce the number of unplanned
pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. In that effort
nearly $3 billion have been spent on federal Title X family
planning services; yet teenage pregnancies and abortions rise.
Perhaps one of the most devastating popular critiques of
comprehensive sex education came from Barbara Dafoe Whitehead. The
journalist who said that Dan Quayle was right also was willing to
say that sex education was wrong. Her article, "The Failure of Sex
Education" in the October 1994 issue of Atlantic Monthly,
demonstrated that sex education neither reduced pregnancy nor
slowed the spread of STDs.
Comprehensive sex education is mandated in at least seventeen
states, so Whitehead chose one of those states and focused her
analysis on the sex education experiment in New Jersey. Like other
curricula, the New Jersey sex education program rests on certain
questionable assumptions.
The first tenet is that children are sexual from birth. Sex
educators reject the classic notion of a latency period until
approximately age twelve. They argue that you are "being sexual
when you throw your arms around your grandpa and give him a hug."
Second, children are sexually miseducated. Parents, to put it
simply, have not done their job, so we need "professionals" to do
it right. Parents try to protect their children, fail to affirm
their sexuality, and even discuss sexuality in a context of
moralizing. The media, they say, is also guilty of providing
sexual misinformation.
Third, if mis-education is the problem, then sex education in the
schools is the solution. Parents are failing miserably at the
task, so "it is time to turn the job over to the schools. Schools
occupy a safe middle ground between Mom and MTV."
Learning about Family Life is the curriculum used in New Jersey.
While it discusses such things as sexual desire, AIDS, divorce,
condoms, and masturbation, it nearly ignores such issues as
abstinence, marriage, self-control, and virginity. One technique
promoted to prevent pregnancy and STDs is noncoital sex, or what
some sex educators call "outercourse." Yet there is good evidence
to suggest that teaching teenagers to explore their sexuality
through noncoital techniques will lead to coitus. Ultimately,
outercourse will lead to intercourse.
Whitehead concludes that comprehensive sex education has been a
failure. For example, the percent of teenage births to unwed
mothers was 67 percent in 1980 and rose to 84 percent in 1991. In
the place of this failed curriculum, Whitehead describes a better
program. She found that "sex education works best when it combines
clear messages about behavior with strong moral and logistical
support for the behavior sought." One example she cites is the
"Postponing Sexual Involvement" program at Grady Memorial Hospital
in Atlanta, Georgia, which offers more than a "Just say no"
message. It reinforces the message by having adolescents practice
the desired behavior and enlists the aid of older teenagers to
teach younger teenagers how to resist sexual advances. Whitehead
also found that "religiously observant teens" are less likely to
experiment sexually, thus providing an opportunity for church-
related programs to help stem the tide of teenage pregnancy.
Contrast this, however, with what has been derisively called "the
condom gospel." Sex educators today promote the dissemination of
sex education information and the distribution of condoms to deal
with the problems of teen pregnancy and STDs.
The Case Against Condoms
At the 1987 World Congress of Sexologists, Theresa Crenshaw asked
the audience, "If you had the available partner of your dreams and
knew that person carried HIV, how many of you would have sex,
depending on a condom for your protection?" None of the 800
members of the audience raised their hand. If condoms do not
eliminate the fear of HIV infection for sexologists and sex
educators, why encourage the children of America to play STD
Russian roulette?
Are condoms a safe and effective way to reduce pregnancy and STDs?
Sex educators seem to think so. Every day sex education classes
throughout this country promote condoms as a means of safe sex or
at least safer sex. But the research on condoms provides no such
guarantee.
For example, Texas researcher Susan Weller, writing in the 1993
issue of Social Science Medicine, evaluated all research
published prior to July 1990 on condom effectiveness. She reported
that condoms are only 87 percent effective in preventing pregnancy
and 69 percent effective in reducing the risk of HIV infection.
This 69 percent effectiveness rate is also the same as a 31 percent
failure rate in preventing AIDS transmission. And according to a
study in the 1992 Family Planning Perspectives, 15 percent of
married couples who use condoms for birth control end up with an
unplanned pregnancy within the first year.
So why has condom distribution become the centerpiece of the U.S.
AIDS policy and the most frequently promoted aspect of
comprehensive sex education? For many years the answer to that
question was an a priori commitment to condoms and a safe sex
message over an abstinence message. But in recent years, sex
educators and public health officials have been pointing to one
study that seemed to vindicate the condom policy.
The study was presented at the Ninth International Conference on
AIDS held in Berlin on June 9, 1993. The study involved 304
couples with one partner who was HIV positive. Of the 123 couples
who used condoms with each act of sexual intercourse, not a single
negative HIV partner became positive. So proponents of condom
distribution thought they had scientific vindication for their
views.
Unfortunately, that is not the whole story. Condoms do appear to
be effective in stopping the spread of AIDS when used "correctly
and consistently." Most individuals, however, do not use them
"correctly and consistently." What happens to them? Well, it
turns out that part of the study received much less attention. Of
122 couples who could not be taught to use condoms properly, 12
became HIV positive in both partners. Undoubtedly over time, even
more partners would contract AIDS.
How well does this study apply to the general population? Not very
well. This study group was quite dissimilar from the general
population. For example, they knew the HIV status of their spouse
and therefore had a vested interest in protecting themselves. They
were responsible partners in a committed monogamous relationship.
In essence, their actions and attitudes differed dramatically from
teenagers and single adults who do not know the HIV status of their
partners, are often reckless, and have multiple sexual partners.
And even if condoms are used correctly, do not break, and do not
leak, they are still far from 100 percent effective. The Medical
Institute for Sexual Health reported that "medical studies confirm
that condoms do not offer much, if any, protection in the
transmission of chlamydia and human papilloma virus, two serious
STDs with prevalence as high as 40 percent among sexually active
teenagers."
Abstinence Is the Answer
Less than a decade ago an abstinence-only program was rare in the
public schools. Today, directive abstinence programs can be found
in many school districts while battles are fought in other school
districts for their inclusion or removal. While proponents of
abstinence programs run for school board or influence existing
school board members, groups like Planned Parenthood bring lawsuits
against districts that use abstinence-based curricula, arguing that
they are inaccurate or incomplete.
The emergence of abstinence-only programs as an alternative to
comprehensive sex education programs was due to both popularity and
politics. Parents concerned about the ineffectiveness of the safe-
sex message eagerly embraced the message of abstinence. And
political funding helped spread the message and legitimize its
educational value. The Adolescent Family Life Act, enacted in 1981
by the Reagan Administration, created Title XX and set aside $2
million a year for the development and implementation of
abstinence-based programs. Although the Clinton Administration
later cut funding for abstinence programs, the earlier funding in
the 1980s helped groups like Sex Respect and Teen-Aid launch
abstinence programs in the schools.
Parents and children have embraced the abstinence message in
significant numbers. One national poll by the University of
Chicago found that 68 percent of adults surveyed said premarital
sex among teenagers is "always wrong." A 1994 poll for USA Weekend
asked more than 1200 teens and adults what they thought of "several
high profile athletes [who] are saying in public that they have
abstained from sex before marriage and are telling teens to do the
same." Seventy-two percent of the teens and 78 percent of the
adults said they agree with the pro-abstinence message.
Their enthusiasm for abstinence-only education is well founded.
Even though the abstinence message has been criticized by some as
naive or inadequate, there are good reasons to promote abstinence
in schools and society.
First, teenagers want to learn about abstinence. Contrary to the
often repeated teenage claim, not "everyone's doing it." A 1992
study by the Centers for Disease Control found that 43 percent of
teenagers from ages fourteen to seventeen had engaged in sexual
intercourse at least once. Put another way, the latest surveys
suggest that a majority of teenagers are not doing it.
A majority of teenagers are abstaining from sex; also more want
help in staying sexually pure in a sex-saturated society. Emory
University surveyed one thousand sexually experienced teen girls by
asking them what they would like to learn to reduce teen pregnancy.
Nearly 85 percent said, "How to say no without hurting the other
person's feelings."
Second, abstinence prevents pregnancy. After the San Marcos
(California) Junior High adopted the Teen-Aid abstinence-only
program, the school's pregnancy rate dropped from 147 to 20 in a
two-year period.
An abstinence-only program for girls in Washington, D.C. has seen
only one of four hundred girls become pregnant. Elayne Bennett,
director of "Best Friends," says that between twenty and seventy
pregnancies are common for this age-group in the District of
Columbia.
Nathan Hale Middle School near Chicago adopted the abstinence-only
program "Project Taking Charge" to combat its pregnancy rate among
eighth-graders. Although adults were skeptical, the school
graduated three pregnancy-free classes in a row.
Abstinence works. That is the message that needs to be spread to
parents, teachers, and school boards. Teenagers will respond to
this message, and we need to teach this message in the classroom.
Third, abstinence prevents sexually transmitted diseases (STDs).
After more than three decades, the sexual revolution has taken lots
of prisoners. Before 1960, doctors were concerned about only two
STDs: syphilis and gonorrhea. Today there are more than twenty
significant STDs, ranging from the relatively harmless to the
fatal. Twelve million Americans are newly infected each year, and
63 percent of these new infections are in people under twenty-five
years of age. Eighty percent of those infected with an STD have
absolutely no symptoms.
Doctors warn that if a person has sexual intercourse with another
individual, he or she is not only having sexual intercourse with
that individual but with every person with whom that individual
might have had intercourse for the last ten years and all the
people with whom they had intercourse. If that is true, then
consider the case of one sixteen-year-old girl who was responsible
for 218 cases of gonorrhea and more than 300 cases of syphilis.
According to the reporter, this illustrates the rampant
transmission of STDs through multiple sex partners. "The girl has
sex with sixteen men. Those men had sex with other people who had
sex with other people. The number of contacts finally added up to
1,660." As one person interviewed in the story asked, "What if the
girl had had AIDS instead of gonorrhea or syphilis? You probably
would have had 1,000 dead people by now."
Abstinence prevents the spread of STDs while safe sex programs do
not. Condoms are not always effective even when they are used
correctly and consistently, and most sexually active people do not
even use them correctly and consistently. Sex education programs
have begun to promote "outercourse" instead of intercourse, but
many STDs can be spread even through this method, and, as stated,
outercourse almost always leads to intercourse. Abstinence is the
only way to prevent the spread of a sexually transmitted disease.
Fourth, abstinence prevents emotional scars. Abstinence speakers
relate dozens and dozens of stories of young people who wish they
had postponed sex until marriage. Sex is the most intimate form of
bonding known to the human race, and it is a special gift to be
given to one's spouse. Unfortunately, too many throw it away and
are later filled with feelings of regret.
Surveys of young adults show that those who engaged in sexual
activity regret their earlier promiscuity and wish they had been
virgins on their wedding night. Even secular agencies that promote
a safe-sex approach acknowledge that sex brings regrets. A Roper
poll conducted in association with SIECUS (Sexuality Information
and Education Council of the United States) of high schoolers found
that 62 percent of the sexually experienced girls said they "should
have waited."
Society is ready for the abstinence message, and it needs to be
promoted widely. Anyone walking on the Washington Mall in July
1993 could not miss the acres of "True Love Waits" pledge cards
signed by over 200,000 teenagers. The campaign, begun by the
Southern Baptist Convention, provided a brief but vivid display of
the desire by teenagers to stand for purity and promote abstinence.
For every teenager who signed a card pledging abstinence, there are
no doubt dozens of others who plan to do the same.
Teenagers want and need to hear the message of abstinence. They
want to promote the message of abstinence. Their health, and even
their lives, are at stake.
© 1998 Probe Ministries International
About the Author
Kerby Anderson is the president of Probe
Ministries International. He received his B.S. from Oregon State
University, M.F.S. from Yale University, and M.A. from Georgetown
University. He is the author of several books, including Genetic
Engineering, Origin Science, Living Ethically in the 90s, Signs of
Warning, Signs of Hope, and Moral Dilemmas. He also
served as general editor for Marriage, Family and Sexuality.
He is a nationally syndicated columnist whose editorials have
appeared in the Dallas Morning News, the Miami
Herald, the San Jose Mercury, and the Houston
Post.
He is the host of "Probe," and frequently serves as guest host on
"Point of View" (USA Radio Network). He can be reached via e-mail
at kerby@probe.org.
What is Probe?
Probe Ministries is a non-profit corporation whose mission is to reclaim the
primacy of Christian thought and values in Western culture through media,
education, and literature. In seeking to accomplish this mission, Probe provides
perspective on the integration of the academic disciplines and historic
Christianity.
In addition, Probe acts as a clearing house, communicating the results of
its research to the church and society at large.
Further information about Probe's materials and ministry may be obtained by
writing to:
Probe Ministries
1900 Firman Drive, Suite 100
Richardson, TX 75081
(972) 480-0240 FAX (972) 644-9664
info@probe.org
www.probe.org
Copyright (C) 1996-2008 Probe Ministries
Email this to a friend
copyright
© 1995-2008
Leadership U. All rights reserved.
Updated: 14 July 2002
|