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First Things
Opinion
The Politics of Architecture
Peter Kreeft
Copyright (c) 1996 First Things 67 (November 1996): 14-15.
I was driving through Cambridge, Massachusetts with three friends
recently when it struck me how well we divided into John Courtney
Murray's four American political types: radical, liberal,
traditionalist, and conservative. But what I learned from our
conversation convinced me that however valid and useful Murray's
typology may be, it also leaves out something important and
surprising.
Dick is a radical of the left. As a teenager in the sixties he had all
the right (which is to say, left) opinions. He loved Woodstock, grass,
free sex, rock, folk music, proletarian Marxism, and the civil rights
movement. Still today he hates authority, organized religion, the rich,
tradition, big business, and classical education. When he pronounces the
word "Republican" I hear the same spirit speaking as when I pronounce
the word "fascist," and when he says "Religious Right" I hear
"Satanist." But he has a great sense of humor, a sharp mind, good taste,
genuine personal compassion, and total honesty. We have met only half a
dozen times, always like two suspicious stranger-dogs sniffing and
growling with warning signs, mainly because he knows I am strongly pro-
life and pro-Church, and I know he knows it, and he knows I know he
knows it. A polite standoff. His religion is some combination of
atheism, agnosticism, and pagan-polytheistic-pantheistic-ecological-
mysticism.
Dwight is a liberal. He has always voted Democratic-except in
Massachusetts, where he likes many of the "Republicans." He is a polite,
helpful, intelligent, and very sincere man who has devoted his life to
public service. He worked in business for a few years (very
successfully), then ran for local office (also successfully). He is a
reasonable man, and distrusts extremes, whether of personal passion or
of political ideology. The only politician I ever heard him get
exercised about was Pat Buchanan. Dwight is also pro-choice, though not
as passionately as Dick. (In Massachusetts politics, the more pro-choice
you are, the more certain you are to be elected.) Dwight is a
Unitarian.
Newton is a conservative. It may be because of the name that I keep
associating him with Newt Gingrich, but he is younger, handsomer, and
more personable. We share an enjoyment of Rush Limbaugh and jokes about
liberals. He is in some sort of finance-and-computer business, a whiz at
it, and seems perpetually happy. He is some sort of Protestant
(Presbyterian, I think), and pro-life, though not passionately.
We all knew enough about one another and were good enough friends to
enjoy joking about it. The expected conversation had evolved in the car
that morning-half serious debate, half friendly gibes-along the usual
lines of liberals (Dick and Dwight) vs. conservatives (Newton and
myself). Newton had repeated some hilarious segment from Rush that
involved both the "Feminazis" and the "environmental wackos," and (of
course) I was the only one laughing. Then suddenly everything changed,
and we entered a different world.
We were driving through a part of Cambridge that had been a slum a few
decades ago. Then it had been torn down and replaced with big, clean,
new, red- brick office buildings and apartments, with plenty of space,
lighting, greenery, and walkways: a planned city within a city. I had
always classified the architecture as "colonial Nazi": intimidating,
inhuman, Bauhaus lines, but in red-brick softness. Everything was either
square or scalene and off-center. There were no arches, whether pointed
or rounded; no palladium windows, no fancy doors-in fact the only thing
fancier than it needed to be was a modernistic outdoor sculpture. What
shocked me was Newton's comment: "That's my new apartment, there. Isn't
it great?"
I looked at the abomination of desolation he pointed to, and gasped,
"You're kidding." "It's absolutely perfect," he argued. "It's got
everything: location, roominess, parking, workout room, low condo fees.
And it's a real community. Look." He directed my sight to the variety of
people walking through the commodious walkways: businessmen, teenagers,
a family with a baby carriage. "What don't you like about it? It's
designed for people."
"People, that's good," I said. "But designed, that's bad. It's
artificial. It's not a real neighborhood. It's the Liberal concept of a
neighborhood. I can see how Dwight would like this place, but not
you."
"Well," Newton said, irritably, "It's not something we should be arguing
about. It's not important. Let's get back to politics, if we want an
argument."
Dwight started to do just that, when Dick interrupted, "Not important?
Of course it's important! It's your world. It's your image of the real
that you see every day. How can you say it's not important what you see
every day?"
"You artsy-fartsy types," Newton snorted, "you think beauty is the most
important thing in the world and ugliness is the worst, don't you?"
"Yeah, I guess I do think that," Dick replied. "Why don't you?"
"I think I have higher ideals than just sensory beauty. Aristotle said .
. ."
"No, don't give me Aristotle. Give me Newton. What's more important to
you than beauty?"
I was hoping he'd say "God," or "being a saint," or "going to Heaven,"
but instead he mumbled something so vague I don't remember what it was-
something about the good society, or the good life. I found myself
suddenly spiritually far from Newton and close to Dick. Then we turned
into an older section of Cambridge, where the houses were crowded, tiny,
old, and poor. Newton sensed that Dick and I were together now, against
him and Dwight. Gesturing at the rundown and ramshackle houses we were
now passing, he challenged us, "I suppose you two would rather live in
one of those?" I surprised myself with the vehemence of my answer. "Damn
right we would! This is at least a real neighborhood, with real people."
"Small is beautiful," Dick explained. "It's not plastic," I added. But
nothing we said could move the other two to more than patronizing little
smiles.
In the ensuing ten minutes Dick and I discovered that we both loved
bluegrass, madrigals, the Bea-tles, Peter, Paul, and Mary, fires,
storms, caves, waves, mountains, Victorian houses, Martha's Vineyard,
England, Provincetown, San Francisco, and Seattle. (Why, by the way, do
those with the worst moral tastes so often have the best aesthetic
tastes? Why is Sodom such a pretty city? Why do the nicest people live
in Iowa?)
It became obvious to all four of us that there was some sort of a
serious spiritual division between "us" and "them": with the radical and
the traditionalist on the one side, and the liberal and the conservative
on the other. It was more than a set of aesthetic preferences. It soon
became clear that it unexpectedly flowed over into social and political
issues. Dick and I discovered that we shared a preference for "small is
beautiful" populism, a suspicion of bigness whether in government or
business, a lack of interest in economics, a dislike of suburbs, a love
of nature, and a concern for conserving the environment. (I've never
understood why "conservatives" aren't in the front rank of
conservationism.) We didn't get into moral and religious issues, but I
suspect that even there we would have found a psychological kinship
beneath our philosophical differences.
Perhaps the key was a willingness to be passionate about something,
however different these things were. Or perhaps it was the preference
for the concrete and specific over the abstract and general. (Was that
why we both dislike computers and the other two love them?) But whatever
it was, and whatever political significance it may have, I think it
means at least this: that beneath the current political left-right
alignments there are fault lines embedded in the crust of human nature
that will inevitably open up some day and produce earthquakes that will
change the current map of the political landscape.
John Courtney Murray's fourfold classification was based on four
different attitudes toward the organized Church and the organized
American State: the conservative affirmed both; the traditionalist
affirmed the Church but mistrusted the current State; the liberal
affirmed the State but mistrusted the Church; and the radical said "A
plague on both your houses." There is much truth here, but much missing
too-something certainly less important than religion but possibly more
important than politics, and, as I found in my drive through Cambridge,
it has something to do with architecture.
Peter Kreeft is Associate Professor of Philosophy at Boston College.
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Updated: 13 July 2002
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