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First Things
The Christian University:
A Call to Counterrevolution
Gertrude Himmelfarb
Copyright
(c) 1996 First Things 59 (January 1996): 16-19.
It is well to remember, as we contemplate the relation of the university
and church, that the Protestant Reformation was started by a professor
in a university. Years later Luther insisted that he had never meant to
be a reformer.
I was forced and driven into this position in the first place when I
had to become a Doctor of Holy Scripture against my will. Then, as a doctor
in a general free university, I began, at the command of pope and emperor,
to do what such a doctor is sworn to do, expounding the Scriptures for
all the world and teaching everybody.
Like Luther, some of the professors in our own universities protest
that they have been forced, against their will, into the role of reformers.
Willingly or not, however-and more often, I suspect, willingly than not-
these professors are presiding over a reformation that is as momentous
for the university as Luther's was for the church.
The reformation we are now witnessing is not the first the American
university has gone through; nor, I daresay, will it be the last. The first,
like Luther's reformation, involved the disestablishment of the church.
Until this century, most private universities were affiliated with a church;
in colonial and pre-Civil War days, some were barely distinguishable from
seminaries. Gradually, almost all of them (with some notable exceptions)
have been either officially disestablished or virtually so, leaving little
more than a nominal relationship to a passive church.
It is generally thought that this disestablishment was a product of
what has been called the "warfare of science and religion" precipitated
by Darwinism. In fact, that "warfare" has been much exaggerated.
The secularization of the university reflected a secularization of the
culture going back at least to the Enlightenment and having more to do
with the philosophy of rationalism than with science or any specific scientific
theory such as Darwinism.
Indeed, it was the idea of "culture"-a secular, rational,
cosmopolitan, liberal (in the nonpolitical sense of that word) culture-far
more than the idea of "science," that lay behind the secularization
of the university in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries.
There were even educators and intellectuals-"humanists," they
proudly called themselves-who thought that science (or too heavy a dose
of science) was as inimical to a liberal education as was religion (or
too sectarian a religion). Matthew Arnold's famous definition of culture,
"the best which has been thought and said in the world," was
endorsed by Irving Babbitt, Charles Eliot Norton, and other luminaries
of American intellectual life.
The displacement of religion-not by science but by culture-occurred
gradually but firmly. In 1881 the president of Williams College took the
occasion of his inaugural address to attack the "infidel doctrine"
that held culture to be more important than religious piety. Five years
later, in another address, he reversed himself: The "union of culture
and power," he said, is the mark of the educated man, and the duty
of teachers is to inspire their students "to love the best thoughts
of the best authors." The president of the University of Wisconsin
echoed another of Matthew Arnold's sentiments when he announced, "Religion
is not so much the foundation of morals, as morals the foundation of religion."
Some of these humanists were unbelievers, but they were not (except
perhaps for Babbitt) aggressively antireligious. At the annual meeting
of the Religious Education Association in 1904, two professors from Yale
and Brown recommended that the Bible be taught at the university as a literary
document rather than as a book of revelation. It is interesting that they
were content to have the Bible taught, if only as literature, just as they
were willing to retain compulsory chapel, for purposes of morals if not
of faith.
By the turn of the century, this reformation was well under way, with
some of the country's major universities transformed into essentially secular
institutions. Some smaller colleges and a few large universities retained
a more active religious affiliation and a more religiously oriented curriculum.
But eventually most of these-again, with a few notable exceptions, Baylor
University being one of them-succumbed to the spirit of the times. In part
this reflects not only the secularization of society but also the secularization
of the mainline churches, which made them willing accomplices in the transformation
of the universities.
That was the first reformation in the university: the disestablishment
of the church. The second was the establishment, so to speak, of society
in lieu of the church. If churches have abdicated responsibility over the
university, society has asserted itself in ways that an earlier generation
of secular humanists could not have foreseen-and would probably not have
welcomed.
The university has always had important social functions. In the most
practical sense, it has fed its graduates into the professions-law, diplomacy,
clerisy, the civil service. More important, it has served as a socializing,
civilizing, even moralizing agent for the students who passed through it
(and perhaps as well for the professors ensconced in it). It has also been
an instrument for social mobility and advancement; for those lacking the
privileges of birth and money, a degree and a diploma could be passports
to rank and fortune. But it has done all this indirectly, as a happy by-product
of its essential functions: the creation, preservation, and transmission
of knowledge.
After World War II, with the vast increase in the student population
and the infusion of large sums of government money, the university acquired
new functions, among them the solving of society's problems: poverty, pollution,
urban unrest, crime, and whatever other subject might occur to a resourceful
professor seeking a government grant. In place of a liberal education-an
education in "the best which has been thought and said"-the university
was now pleased to provide a relevant education, an education in what society
deemed to be useful and needful.
Having committed itself to solving society's problems, the university
could hardly ignore the problems of its own students. Thus the university
also became a therapeutic institution, coping with the feelings, desires,
and egos-and the recurring "identity crises"-of the students.
During the student uprisings of the 1960s, this therapeutic mission had
as its corollary the "empowerment" of students, their admission
to curriculum, governance, even appointment and tenure committees. At the
same time, the faculty itself was "empowered," assuming the right
to express opinions on all subjects, within or without their discipline,
and in or outside the classroom. Thus the socially conscious university
inevitably became a highly politicized one.
It was also inevitable that a university eager to redress the ills
of society would be called on to reflect the composition of society-its
racial, ethnic, and sexual population. This is the meaning of affirmative
action and multiculturalism, which have loomed so large in the university
in recent years. The original intention was to open up the university to
minority or so-called "marginalized" groups, to make both the
student body and the faculty more inclusive and representative of society
at large. But it was not long before this idea of inclusiveness or representativeness
was extended to the curriculum, requiring the courses themselves, the very
content of education, to reflect the interests and identities of these
minorities.
Today, race, class, and gender are the holy trinity presiding over
higher education in America. Although that is the familiar mantra-race,
class, gender-it is not the actual order of priority. Class, which was
once the reigning principle of a Marxist-dominated curriculum, has been
relegated to third place, with gender occupying the first place. Few people
have even noticed (I've never seen any mention of the fact) that religion
is missing from this trinity, as if it is no longer a defining principle
of one's identity.
This new identity-centered education is evident not only in departments
and courses of women's studies, black studies, ethnic studies, gay and
lesbian studies, but in the more traditional disciplines as well- literature,
history, philosophy, theology, anthropology, sociology. There is even an
attempt to "engender" the sciences. An article by one mathematician,
entitled "Toward a Feminist Algebra," protests against the sexist
nature of traditional algebra; and a book on feminist science declares
Newton's Principia to be so suffused with "gender symbolism, gender
structure, and gender identity" as to be nothing less than a "rape
manual."
The university was once derided as an "ivory tower." Today
no one would characterize it that way, whether in praise or abuse. It is
very much of this world-all too much of this world, some might say, as
professors (in the classroom as without) openly declare themselves advocates
of this or that cause, group, or ideology.
But a far more momentous reformation has recently taken place-more
important, in my opinion, than either the secularization or the politicization
of the university. This is the intellectual reformation of the university-which
may more aptly be called a revolution than a reformation. A quarter of
a century ago, the sociologist Robert Nisbet wrote a book with the memorable
title, The Degradation of the Academic Dogma. To readers fresh from
the dramatic events of the sixties-the student uprisings at Berkeley and
other universities-Nisbet reminded them of the "dogma," as he
called it, that had sustained the university for centuries: the "faith"
(again, this was his word) in reason and knowledge, in the rational, dispassionate
search for truth, and in the dissemination of knowledge for the sake of
knowledge.
The objects of knowledge, to be sure, had changed in the course of
time. The classical curriculum had given way to the modern one, with the
addition first of history, literature, and modern languages, then of the
sciences and social sciences, finally of professional and vocational subjects.
But throughout the centuries, the essential dogma-the commitment to truth,
knowledge, and objectivity-remained intact.
It was the abandonment of that dogma, Nisbet said, that ushered in
a "reformation" (again, his word; the religious motif is consistent)
of the university-a reformation, as his title suggests, that was utterly
disastrous for the university.
Since that book was written, the academic dogma has been further degraded
in ways Nisbet could not have foreseen. Not, I hasten to add, in all universities
to the same extent, nor in all departments of all universities, nor for
all members of all universities-but certainly in academia as a whole, and
most of all in the most prestigious institutions of academia.
Today many eminent professors in some of our most esteemed universities
disparage the ideas of truth, knowledge, and objectivity as naive or disingenuous
at best, as fraudulent and despotic at worst. Indeed, the very words-truth,
knowledge, objectivity-now habitually appear, in scholarly journals and
books, in quotation marks, to show how spurious they are. Above all it
is truth that is denigrated. This is obviously a by-product of the politicization
of the university, but it has received credibility and respectability from
the most influential intellectual movement to sweep the university in recent
years: postmodernism.
This is not to say that all professors, or even most professors, have
become postmodernists. A great many of them remain traditionalist, committed
to the old academic dogma. But they find themselves in a defensive position.
By now the spirit of postmodernism has pervaded the academy to the point
where most younger professors, and a good many older ones, are accepting
its basic assumptions and tenets almost unthinkingly.
The animating spirit of postmodernism is a radical relativism and skepticism
that rejects any idea of truth, knowledge, or objectivity. More important,
it refuses even to aspire to such ideas, on the ground that they are not
only unattainable but undesirable-that they are, by their very nature,
authoritarian and repressive.
This is very different from the relativism and skepticism that scholars
have traditionally brought to their trade. Historians, for example, have
always had a healthy dose of both. They have been acutely aware of the
limitations of their discipline: the deficiency of the historical records,
the selectivity inherent in the writing of history, the fallibility and
subjectivity of the historian, and thus the imperfect, tentative, and partial
(in both senses of the word) nature of every historical work. But historians
have always made the most strenuous efforts to curb and control these deficiencies,
to try to be as objective as possible, to strive for accuracy, veracity,
and impartiality.
This is what is meant-or used to be meant-by the "discipline"
of history, and why the keystone of every graduate program until recently
has been a required course on "methodology," instructing students
in the proper use of sources, the need for substantiating and countervailing
evidence, the conventions of documentation and citation. Such courses are
very nearly obsolete today.
Today the very idea of a "discipline" of history, or of any
academic discipline, is widely derided, just as are the ideas of truth,
knowledge, and objectivity. (And facts as well; this is another word that
now appears in quotation marks. One reputable historian complains of the
"fetishism of facts," while others disparage factuality as "facticity.")
These ideas-truth, knowledge, objectivity-are said to be nothing more than
"social constructs," inventions of the "hegemonic"
or ruling class. There is no truth, the argument goes, to be derived from
history-not even partial, incremental, contingent truth. There is no objectivity-not
even an approximation of it, nor any reason to seek it. There are not even
any events in history-only "texts" to be interpreted in accord
with the historian's interest and disposition.
It is in this spirit that much of academic study has been relativized,
subjectified, "problematized" (as the postmodernist says), and
politicized. If there is no truth, no facts, no objectivity, there is only
will and power. "Everything is political," the popular slogan
has it.
A year after Nisbet wrote of the "degradation of the academic
dogma," the distinguished literary critic Lionel Trilling described
the denigration of mind that he sensed in the culture in general and in
the university in particular. He deplored the tendency to "impugn
and devalue the very concept of mind," indeed to deny the "authority
of mind," and thus to reject the "intellectual ideal of objectivity."
That ideal, Trilling granted, can never be fully realized, but it has always
to be strived for. "In the face of the certainty," he wrote,
"that the effort of objectivity will fall short of what it aims at,
those who undertake to make the effort do so out of something like a sense
of intellectual honor and out of the faith that in the practical life,
which includes the moral life, some good must follow from even the relative
success of the endeavor."
"Intellectual honor," "moral life"-these expressions
do not come trippingly to the tongue today. Yet these words and the ideas
they signify-truth, knowledge, and objectivity-are the only guarantees
of the intellectual and moral integrity of the university. For without
them as the guiding principles of learning and teaching, research and scholarship,
there can be no standards of merit or excellence, no controls against willful
ignorance and deception. "Nothing is true; everything is permitted"-that
was Nietzsche's definition of freedom. For the university, that freedom,
the freedom from truth, is a prescription for intellectual and moral nihilism.
At this point we may take stock of the successive reformations or revolutions
that have transformed the university. For we are now confronted with a
university (again, I am speaking of the dominant mode of university in
America) that has almost totally abandoned its original mission. It is
now not merely a secular institution but a secularist one, propagating
secularism as a creed, a creed that is not neutral as among religions but
is hostile to all religions, indeed to religion itself. It is also a highly
politicized institution; no longer subject to any religious authority,
the university is at the mercy of the whims and wills of interest groups
and ideologies. Finally, and most disastrously, the university, liberated
from religious dogma, has also become liberated from the traditional academic
dogma, the belief in truth, knowledge, and objectivity.
It is in this situation, in this postmodern world, that an institution
like Baylor University takes on a new meaning and, I would suggest, a new
mission. For it now has not only a religious tradition to uphold but an
intellectual one as well: the mission to restore and revitalize the traditional
academic dogma. This means reaffirming the faith in truth, knowlege, and
objectivity, pursuing these ideals knowing they are ideals that can never
be fully realized, and above all, resisting the appeal of a fashionable
and profoundly subversive philosophy that is not merely relativistic in
the familiar sense but that celebrates an absolute relativism.
This is a worthy intellectual mission-and a moral one as well. Nietzsche
understood this better than anyone. Determined to destroy morality, he
knew that he would also have to destroy truth, for so long as men believed
in truth, he said, they believed in God, and if in God, then in morality.
In this sense, a religious university is faithful both to its religious
and its moral mission when it affirms the traditional academic dogma, the
belief in truth.
There is yet another aspect of morality, the morality of practical
life, that is at stake here. Here too a university like Baylor, respectful
of religion and of the moral virtues derived from religion, can serve as
a powerful corrective to the secular university, which has superimposed
upon the counterculture of the sixties the still more relativistic, permissive,
and amoral postmodernist culture of the nineties.
In very recent years, there has been a revulsion in society at large-
although not yet in the academy-against this culture. It is a propitious
time, therefore, for a university like Baylor, which has kept faith with
its religious and ethical heritage, to contemplate a counterrevolution
that will restore the original aca-demic dogma and make the university
once again a repository of intellectual and moral virtue.
Gertrude Himmelfarb, a member of the Editorial
Board of First Things, is author most recently of The De-moralization
of Society (Knopf). This essay and the one following by Richard John
Neuhaus were originally presented last September on the occasion of the
installation of Robert Bryan Sloan, Jr. as President of Baylor University.
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Updated: 13 July 2002
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