|
|
First Things
A Continuing Survey of Religion and Public
Life
Richard John Neuhaus
Copyright (c) 1994
First Things 40 (February 1994): 48-60.
This Month:
Bloody-Minded Compassion
Bizarre. Beyond the pale. Outrageous. Mad. Those are some of the terms
applied to the suggestion that killing abortionists in order to defend
unborn children may be morally justified. Planned Parenthood and other
pro-abortionists have capitalized with great success on the killing of
abortionist David Gunn in Pensacola, Florida. Last August in Wichita,
Kansas, Shelley Shannon shot and wounded George Tiller, an abortionist
who specializes in third trimester, post-viability, terminations. Also
receiving considerable publicity was Father David Trosch of Alabama, who
tried to place an ad in a Mobile newspaper. The ad pictures a gun
pointed at an abortionist who is about to kill a baby, and the text
reads, "Justified Homicide?" Fr. Trosch was promptly silenced by his
bishop. All the major pro-life organizations have strongly condemned the
use or advocacy of violence in opposing abortion. Contra Planned
Parenthood et al., two decades of pro-life activity have been remarkably
free of violence. Except for police violence against protestors, as
civil libertarian Nat Hentoff has been writing about for years in
The Village Voice and elsewhere.
Nevertheless, there are a few voices at the edge of the pro-life
movement that are now urging a reconsideration of the use of lethal
force. The arguments, pro and con, are aired in Life Advocate,
a national magazine published in Portland, Oregon. Publisher Andrew
Burnett invokes authorities from the Bible to Blackstone in contending
that the killing of abortionists is justified homicide. He relates a
discussion with a pro-life activist who opposes the use of force.
Burnett questions how much this fellow really cares about the thirty
million children who have been killed since the Roe decision of 1973.
Burnett writes: "At that point in the conversation I had to stop and ask
him, 'Do you really believe that abortion is murder?' 'Of course I do,'
he said. Then I probed a little deeper. I asked him if he viewed
abortion the same way that he would view the murder of one of his own
children or for that matter the shooting of an abortionist. He paused
for a moment before he acknowledged that he didn't feel the same way
about the death of children in abortion and the possible murder of his
own child. I responded that I felt the same way. There is a special bond
that we have with our kids. But our lack of 'feeling' towards the unborn
should not get in the way of acknowledging that they do deserve the same
protection that we would give the born."
In the same issue, associate editor Cathy Ramey asks the question, "So
where do we go from here?" She answers: "I can't tell anyone what they
ought to do, that they are obligated to the kind of action taken against
Gunn and Tiller. For me, the issue is that we need to be articulating
truth. Even though I may be unable to defend babies in the way that
Shannon and Griffin (as accused) did, the truth is that Scripture
supports defending your neighbor's life, even with lethal force. To
accord these children less protection and to condemn their protectors is
to agree with the abortion industry that they aren't really human. Their
lives are not even as valuable as the life of a serial killer and, as
someone who wrote a letter stated, we 'prefer live abortionists over
live babies.'
"Unfortunately, many in the pro-life movement have paid the pinch of
incense that the world demanded in order to justify the continual
killing of children. You see, if pro-life leaders are saying that these
children aren't legitimately entitled to the same level of care and
protection as a born person (even a born killer) then it only stands to
reason that perhaps pre-natal killings are just a matter of choice and
not a grave moral evil."
Caricature and Credibility
It is hard to say how many people are thinking along the lines espoused
by Burnett and Ramey. One suspects that the number is very small, but it
could grow to the point where the caricature of the pro-life movement
peddled by Planned Parenthood begins to achieve a measure of
credibility. No doubt a larger number of people are confused, feeling
that they are not able to articulate precisely why the use of lethal
force is strategically disastrous and morally prohibited. Some of the
answers are offered in another statement published in Life
Advocate. Written by Brian Clowes, author of the Pro-Life
Activists' Encyclopedia, and signed by nationally prominent pro-
life leaders, the statement says of those who entertain the use of
lethal force, "They are showing others that they have lost sight of
God's eternal plan. They are telling the world that they are frustrated
and that they are going to capitulate [sic] and take things into their
own hands. In other words, they are implying by their words and actions
that God has somehow lost control of the situation."
The statement argues that "anyone who tries to justify the murder of
abortionists who are about to kill preborn babies will not be able to
stop at that point. . . . More steps will inevitably follow until some
activists begin urging the execution of feminists who push for abortion
and the politicians who vote for it. . . . Even if only a few misguided
individuals stoop to murder, the public will turn against us. Recruiting
will become almost impossible. Finally, the pro-abortion movement will
gain the martyrs it has always needed for its own validation. The
attention of the country will be forever diverted from graphic pictures
of aborted preborn babies to even more explicit photographs of
abortionists lying in pools of their own blood."
The statement does not deny the right, maybe the duty, to defend the
innocent. "Yes, we may very well kill an intruder who threatens our
children, but if we knew that such a killing would touch off a chain of
events that could very well lead to the deaths of many more children, we
would choose instead to restrain or disable the trespasser instead of
taking his life." Not only would more children be killed, but there is a
deep principle involved. "Nonviolence is a foundation stone of Christian
activism. It cannot be removed without damaging everything that rests
upon it. If we repudiate nonviolence, we will also betray the thousands
of pro-lifers who have laid their very lives and all of their
possessions on the line for the babies."
Clowes and the other signers go on to say, "We cannot always understand
God's plan. What would have happened if someone had taken the life of
the world's biggest abortionist in 1975? Bernard Nathanson would not be
fighting for life today. What if someone had killed Carol Everett? Or
George Bush? Or Ronald Reagan? They were all pro-abortion at one time.
What if Christians had risen up at the beginning of Church history and
had killed Saul as he presided over the stoning of Stephen? He was,
after all, persecuting Christians. If they had killed their tormentor,
Paul would not have proclaimed the Gospel in many nations, and thousands
would not have been saved." The conclusion of the statement is emphatic:
"God has not abandoned us. We must trust Him instead of relying on our
own strength. The killing of human beings, either born or preborn, has
absolutely no place in this movement."
Despite the efforts of Life Advocate and a few others, the
question of the use of lethal force by the pro-life movement is, we
believe, securely closed. Of course it is possible that it will happen
again that someone who is mentally deranged or blinded by anguish for
the unborn will kill an abortionist. In view of the many thousands of
activists on all sides of the abortion dispute, there is no way of
assuring that that will not happen again. If it does, we can be sure
that it will be fully exploited by pro-choice forces. But the pro-life
movement, we are confident, will remain determinedly nonviolent. That is
because many, if not most, are committed to nonviolence as a pacifist
principle. There is also the prudential judgment, expressed in the
Clowes statement, that the use of violence would destroy the movement
and result in the death of many more children.
Revolutionary Violence
There is the further consideration that such use of lethal force is an
act of revolutionary violence against this constitutional order. The
law, for the time being, allows abortionists to do what they do. Life
Advocate cites venerable Catholic and Protestant authorities to the
effect that, when the law of the state and the law of God are in
conflict, Christians must obey the law of God. If the law demanded that
people have abortions or participate in the committing of abortion, we
would have no choice but to be in resistance, perhaps violent
resistance. The law as it presently stands, however, allows abortions.
It is a great injustice that there is not a just law that would protect
the life of the innocent. It is among the chief purposes of the pro-life
movement to obtain such just law. It is by no means evident that the
present lack of such law means that this constitutional order is a
morally illegitimate regime. The legitimacy of revolutionary violence is
contingent upon, among other things, the determination that this is an
illegitimate regime.
Strange how things come around again. A long time ago your editor wrote
with Peter Berger Movement and Revolution (Doubleday, 1970).
Then the loose talk about revolutionary violence was coming from the
left, and your editor's purpose was to write a cautionary essay, noting
the ways in which "justified war doctrine" places severe moral
strictures on the use of violence. Arguments now advanced by Life
Advocate were then advanced by the proponents of radical change,
including the change that was called "liberalized abortion." Cathy Ramey
appeals to Dietrich Bonhoeffer, the Lutheran pastor killed by the Nazis
in 1945 for his part in the plot to assassinate Adolf Hitler. It is a
suggestive comparison. Bonhoeffer had come to the firm conclusion that
the Nazi regime was morally illegitimate and corrupt in all its parts,
in theory and practice. He decided, in fear and trembling, that
tyrannicide was the only available remedy. Do people like Cathy Ramey
mean to say that that is our situation? Moreover, in view of alternative
political orders and knowing the depravities of sinful humanity, how
would one determine that the American regime is illegitimate?
Those are among the questions that need to be put to people who advocate
the use of lethal force. In our judgment, to raise such questions is to
answer them. This journal is not reluctant to pursue deeply disturbing
questions, as is evident, for but one related example, in Russell
Hittinger's sobering article, "When the Court Should Not Be Obeyed" (FT,
October 1993). Conceivably the day may come when thoughtful citizens
will be forced to conclude that this is not a legitimate regime, and to
ponder the moral responsibilities that attend that conclusion. We all
have a strong interest in hoping that we will never see that day, and an
even stronger duty to do what we can to prevent it.
There is impressive moral and legal precedent affirming the duty to
defend and the duty to rescue. In our historical circumstance, the same
tradition forbids the use of violence in a misguided effort to exercise
such duty. Talk about the use of lethal force is, in fact, talk about
revolution and civil war. It could conceivably, if the talk were turned
into action, lead to a great bloodletting and destruction for both the
born and unborn. Much more likely, it would lead to the demise of a pro-
life movement that bears the most luminous hope for the righting of a
great wrong in this constitutional order that is still, in the words of
Abraham Lincoln, the last, best hope of earth. We sincerely hope
that Life Advocate and others who are tempted will abandon
their flirtation with the culture of death.
Unfair Fairness
The Fairness Doctrine. That sounds eminently fair. But the National
Religious Broadcasters (NRB) is deeply concerned about an effort in
Congress to restore it. The Fairness Doctrine was abandoned by the
Federal Communications Commission in 1987. The doctrine required radio
and television stations to give time for opposing points of view on
controversial issues. But now, says the newsletter of the National
Association of Evangelicals (NAE), restoring the doctrine would have a
chilling effect. "In a nation so secular in its outlook, many formerly
orthodox religious principles have become increasingly 'controversial.'
These include conventional Judeo-Christian teachings such as sexual
morality, marriage, parental responsibility, and the sanctity of human
life. Does a religious broadcaster condemning abortion on a biblical
basis have to give free airtime to allow, say, a spokesperson from the
National Abortion Rights Action League to speak in favor of abortion?"
In addition, say NRB and NAE, restoring the doctrine would require
another layer of federal bureaucracy to monitor all the religious
broadcasting in the country.
Their concern is entirely warranted, but it also reflects an interesting
twist. Many years ago, mainline Protestants strongly favored the
Fairness Doctrine. It gave them a crack at radio and television time,
although usually in what came to be called "the Sunday morning ghetto."
Fundamentalists (as Evangelicals were then called) remained aloof from
such "worldly" communications, except for a few paid programs. In the
last twenty years, however, Evangelical Protestants have built a
veritable empire of hundreds of radio stations and cable television
programs. Apart from Mother Angelica and the VISN cable program,
Catholics and oldline Protestants have not been very adept in this
field. Originally, the Fairness Doctrine gave Catholics and oldliners
access to the "secular" media. Now Evangelicals oppose it for fear that
it will give secularists access to their media.
So what's fair? According to the experts on fiber optics and the like,
we're on the edge of a revolution in which the established networks will
shrink in importance as average Americans will have access to hundreds
of TV channels. As for radio, exaggerated reports of its demise forty
years ago have long since given way to the recognition of its
indispensability in maintaining free expression on public affairs. This
is no time for expanding government control of communications. Let a
thousand flowers bloom, and let the FCC keep its hands off them.
The Triumph of Ideology Over the Obvious
PBS's Charlie Rose had the formidable John Leo of U.S. News & World
Report on one night, together with, among others, Katha Pollitt, an
editor at the Nation. It got David R. Carlin, Jr. of
Commonweal to thinking. The subject was the pros and cons of
single-parenthood in America. Like Leo, and unlike Pollitt, Carlin
thinks it is beyond dispute that the fatherless-child epidemic has been
"a gigantic social disaster." What will they be discussing next week on
Charlie Rose, he asks-whether the earth is flat? He expects some flat-
earther (preferably from the Nation) will make the case that the
evidence is not conclusive. Carlin understands why some men don't want
to hear about the calamity of single parenthood. They have a vested
interest in protecting the pattern of male flight from the family, which
is to say male flight from responsibility. And some single mothers don't
want to hear about it because, no matter how much you say you're not
blaming them, they can't help but feel guilty.
But why are people such as Ms. Pollitt and other "Apologists for Murphy
Brown" so determined to deny the obvious? Because, says Carlin, they
subscribe to an ideology of which the pivotal ethical doctrine is that
the summum bonum of human life is virtually unlimited personal
freedom. Carlin explains: "From this single axiom are deduced a number
of doctrines. Heading the list is this: (1) the good society is the
society whose only common good is the agreement not to agree on any
common good. But this is followed by others: (2) cultural diversity is
to be prized regardless of the content of the culture; (3) the sexual
liberation movement is a great step forward in the advance of
civilization; (4) the right to abortion is a fundamental human right;
(5) the right to suicide is another fundamental human right; and of
course (6) regardless of whether or not there are children involved,
society has no business pressuring people to get married or remain
married.
"These doctrines and others are part of an ideological package. Attack
any one of them, and you have attacked the supreme axiom upon which they
are all based; but attack the central axiom, and you have attacked all
the other doctrines that are derived from it. An attack on any doctrine,
then, is an attack on the whole system. It's like the three musketeers:
one for all and all for one. Or it's like the traditional notion of the
unity of Catholic doctrine: attack one doctrine, and you have attacked
the church's teaching authority; hence you have indirectly attacked all
church doctrine.
"At all events, subscribers to this ideology cannot afford to yield on a
single point of doctrine, no matter how illogical or contrary to fact.
This is why John Leo is as likely to persuade Katha Pollitt to change
her mind as is the A.S.P.C.A. to persuade adherents of the Santaria
faith to renounce the sacrifice of chickens.
"Mention of the Santaria reminds us that religion always involves
sacrifice. Some religions sacrifice chickens. Others sacrifice contrite
hearts. The secular religion of the cultural Left sacrifices the
prosperity and happiness of millions of children."
Blaming the Victims' Defenders
Watching television one night, Paul Greenberg of the Arkansas
Democrat Gazette saw Bill Clinton being asked whether the new
health plan would fund abortion. Clinton leaned over and said he wanted
to issue a challenge to those who oppose abortion. There wouldn't be a
problem, he said, if those opposed to it would each volunteer to adopt
one unwanted, unintended infant. Of course hundreds of thousands of
people do want to adopt babies, but they can't very well be adopted if
they're killed before they're born. Greenberg has some other thoughts on
the President's odd response. "The President was suggesting that
responsibility for the 1.6 million abortions performed every year in
this country . . . should properly belong to those who are trying to
stop this prenatal carnage.
"Note that the President challenged only those who have problems with
abortion-not those who find having a child inconvenient just now, and
use abortion as a method of birth control. Nor those who don't want to
be tied down just yet, or who would really rather not interrupt their
school year. Nor those who think a baby would get in the way of a
career. Nor those who have repeated abortions because they're trying for
a boy. Nor those who . . . well, you name your favorite morally dubious
reason for having an abortion.
"Oppose abortion do you? The President's not very well disguised
riposte: Then raise somebody else's child.
"The possibilities of this piece of clintonspeak are nigh endless:
Oppose bank robberies do you? Then find some other way for the robber to
get the money he's after. Oppose envy? Then manage to find some other
way for the envious to get their heart's desire. Think drunk drivers
should stay off the road? Then spend your nights driving drunks home.
And so strangely on."
Discriminating Violence
Nobody drinks "alcohol," G. K. Chesterton pointed out against the
prohibitionists. People drink beer and wine and whisky and brandy and
frozen daquiris. Only chemists force this behavior into the common
category called "alcohol." Similarly, James Bowman argues in The New
Criterion, we should be skeptical about Senator Paul Simon and
others who would lead a crusade against "violence" on television. When
we try to think about violence in the abstract, "the result is
guaranteed muddy thinking-on the order of the self-evidently false New
Age platitude that 'violence never solves anything.' It solves lots of
things, as anyone who descends from Olympus and gets close enough to it
to see what it is for will tell you. What's your problem? Not enough
money to buy drugs tonight? Mugging somebody will solve it. Or maybe
you're the muggee rather than the mugger. Then your problem is to avoid
being mugged. Superior force, successfully threatened or applied, will
solve your problem-and give the mugger back his. Violence is a wonderful
problem solver, perhaps the most efficacious of them all, which is one
reason why it is both forbidden and fascinating."
The problem with "violence" on television, says Bowman, is that violent
acts are detached from any context which could give them moral meaning.
"Maybe the image of the lone lawman standing up to the bad guys was
factitious and hackneyed and artistically clumsy, but it provided such a
context-one which has dissipated as much in reality as on TV since the
glamour of Matt Dillon was superseded by that of Bob Dylan. We need the
glamour of discriminating violence in order to offset the collective
moral lassitude induced by too much of the undiscriminating kind.
Playing Simon Says with the government is certainly not going to bring
it back-even if Simon were less simple than he is. Maybe nothing else is
either. But if we all work to get as much violence on television as
possible, maybe the effort to make sense of it all will result
eventually in something like a plausible moral context." Maybe.
Getting Really Rich
We have been severely taken to task in several quarters for suggesting
in a recent book (Doing Well and Doing Good: The Challenge to the
Christian Capitalist, Doubleday) that there is no clear moral
principle by which one could say that Michael Milken made "too much"
money. Milken, it may be recalled, was the infamous (or famous) dealer
in junk bonds who was reported to have had an annual income in excess of
$500 million. We note the appearance of a new book by a professor of
business history, Robert Sobel (Dangerous Dreamers, Wiley). According to
The Economist, Sobel argues that, had he remained free to operate,
"Milken would have been drawn to financing new industries in Latin
America and Eastern Europe. He might indeed have been judged the
greatest banker of the age."
Like others before him, Milken's "real crime" was to be a corporate
raider. He had learned "to identify, buy, and dismember badly-managed
companies whose shares did not reflect the value of their underlying
assets. Later he began using his acquisitions to assemble
conglomerates." Actually, says The Economist, in the 1980s
comparatively few junk bonds were used to finance hostile takeovers. But
a couple of instances caught the public's imagination and did Milken
in. The Economist concludes that Milken and others "were
punished at least as much for the unpopularity of their ideas as for
breaking the law."
We have enough controversies on our plate, so we're not going to claim
that Michael Milken would have been the greatest banker of the age, or
even that what he did was good for business. Frankly, we don't know
enough to make a judgment one way or the other. But this we do know:
There are very reputable and morally responsible authorities who make a
strong case that Milken and his junk bonds (junk meaning high risk) were
a great boon to the economy. (As it happens, junk bonds seem to be
coming back in a big way.) And this we do know: There is no clear moral
principle that indicates it is wrong to make $500 million a year. The
moral questions are what one does with it, and whether one's soul is
captive to it, and whether, as Centesimus Annus teaches, the
activity involved in getting it draws others into the circle of freedom
in productivity and exchange. Mind you, our sympathy for Mr. Milken is
limited. He is still really rich.
CBS Leads the Way
When William Donohue, president of the Catholic League For Religious and
Civil Rights, first brought the program to our attention, we were a mite
skeptical. We had seen an earlier episode of the CBS sitcom "Picket
Fences" that some had protested as anti-Christian, and it turned out to
be the kind of broad, and rather clever, parody that we thought it
unlikely anyone would take as seriously anti-Christian. Moreover, while
the Catholic League has a legitimate concern about the defamation of
Catholicism, it is important to avoid being too thin-skinned. Humorless
anti-defamationists defending the "rights" of every group under the sun
have imposed a terrible pall of political correctness over the sometimes
irritating give and take of free expression. So, as aforesaid, we were a
mite skeptical. Then Mr. Donohue sent us a video of the "Picket Fences"
episode in question, and we watched it.
In this story, a genetic disorder prevents an attractive young couple
from having healthy children. She is a devout Catholic and refuses to
use artificial contraception. That is the story line that sets the stage
for everybody in the sitcom to get in on the discussion of the
ludicrousness of Catholic moral teaching. Her priest, a mousy fellow,
hesitantly suggests they try "the rhythm method," to which the response
is, "You must be joking." The priest mumbles that his hands are tied,
since he would be "excommunicated" if he permitted contraception. A
local Protestant minister (the collar suggests Lutheran or Episcopalian)
gets in on the act, declaring that the Catholic position on
contraception "is nuts." "This birth control thing goes to a larger
conspiracy," he opines. "The Vatican wants the population explosion to
help them achieve world domination." A judge, a sober and sympathetic
member of the cast, warns, "If the Church doesn't take action, sooner or
later the courts will." The day is coming, he warns, when the entire
Catholic Church will be sued for its moral teaching. "And believe me,"
he says, "the last thing that anybody wants is for judges to start
legislating religion. But if the Catholic Church stays rigid on some of
these rules, that day is coming."
Let it be said that "Picket Fences" is a kooky program, sometimes
amusingly so. In the same episode, a psychiatrist falls in love with his
client, a lady cop who sets him up to be arrested for falling in love
with her. Also, a stereotypically Jewish shyster lawyer gets an
appellate court to agree that clients should not tell the truth to their
counsel. The lawyer's client, who happens to be mayor of the town, dies
by spontaneous combustion, leaving only a handful of ashes behind. In
the context of such a crazy program, is the venom against the Catholic
Church really to be taken seriously? The answer is definitely yes. In
this episode, only the polemic against Catholicism is not held up to
ridicule. The incident with the psychiatrist is not an indictment of
psychiatry. It is one misguided man betrayed by an unstable woman. The
ludicrous argument of the shyster lawyer is countered by a very
sympathetic young black lawyer for the prosecution. And, of course, the
death by spontaneous combustion is presented as bizarre and utterly
implausible.
Only the attack on the Church is left standing on its own merits, so to
speak. Indeed the most sympathetic characters in the program, including
the judge, join in the attack. The priest who represents the Church's
teaching is portrayed as a pitiable incompetent who obviously does not
agree with the Church and is incapable of defending the teaching, which,
viewers are left in no doubt, is in fact indefensible. There is a lot of
intended monkey business in "Picket Fences." But that cannot disguise
what is the serious business of this episode, which is anti-Catholicism
on a vituperative scale. The Catholic League is right to protest, and it
should not be left to protest alone. We hope the protest will do some
good. Whether it does or not, let the record show that CBS is leading
the way in the indulgence of religious bigotry in network television.
The "creative" people at CBS-meaning writers and directors who confuse
courage with obnoxiousness-will likely take that as a compliment.
Verdict First
Sexual harassment (are we the last to insist that the accent falls on
the first syllable?) is a real problem. As with all problems, alarmist
reactions can create new problems equally as real. In the last several
years this has been demonstrated with dreadful consequences in the
reaction to charges of sexual abuse in child care centers. Entire
communities have been thrown into hysteria and innocent people have had
their lives and reputations ruined. After much suffering and injustice,
there are welcome signs of a new sobriety in handling charges of child
abuse. Not so with sexual harassment. Also in some of our churches,
officials have adopted a policy of verdict first and trial later, as the
Queen explained to an amazed Alice. The following from Forum
Letter discusses the situation among Lutherans:
"We are probably stepping way, way beyond the bounds of sexual
correctness, but let us point out that the sexual conduct code of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church in America is a policy in want of basic
fairness. By that we mean the policy and the process both fail to
adequately safeguard the rights of the accused. There is no statute of
limitations, investigations can begin based on hearsay, confessional
privacy is not inviolate (which means it does not even exist), the
accused-choosing to follow the process to the end-must testify, and as
has happened, a pastor can find his or her synod bishop suddenly on the
doorstep demanding the pastor's resignation, quite without benefit of
having faced his or her accusers. (That hearing comes later.) It is a
policy lacking evidentiary rules. It presumes guilt, not innocence. It
inflicts grievous punishment prior to a finding.
"Here is our considered opinion should it happen to you. Do not resign
on demand of the bishop without first getting thee to an attorney.
Refuse private conversations with anyone connected with the accusation,
including the bishop. Share what you must with the church council with
your attorney present. The attorney can explain the disciplinary
procedure and note the protective shortcomings of it. Refer further
inquires to your attorney. If you think our advice drastic, consider the
drastic consequences of trusting those charged with enforcing a policy
so evidently open to abuse."
Extreme policies on sexual misconduct are largely driven by the demands
of radical feminists who make no secret of their belief that all men are
rapists or potential rapists. Such policies are generally implemented by
timorous men who are terrified of getting on the wrong side of a woman's
fury. The hard question for the churches is how much of the necessary
trust between bishops, pastors, and parishioners-and how much elementary
fairness and decency-they are prepared to sacrifice in order to prevent
real, and relatively rare, instances of sexual misconduct.
A Well-Funded Phantasm
A Protestant friend wonders why the bishops allow an organization such
as Catholics for a Free Choice (CFC). The simple and accurate answer is
that the bishops don't allow it. The bishops are in no position to
either allow or disallow it. CFC has no connection with the Catholic
Church. Since it was started in 1970, CFC has been a totally owned and
controlled subsidiary of the abortion industry. Although at times CFC
has claimed to have as many as five thousand members, it now
acknowledges that it is "not a membership organization." CFC is, in the
words of one critic, "a well–funded letterhead."
That does not stop CFC and its director, Frances Kissling, from taking
full-page newspaper ads to present "an alternative Catholic view on
abortion." Nor does it stop reporters in the prestige media from
interviewing Ms. Kissling to get "the other side" on the Church and
abortion. Kissling is not simply pro-choice, she is pro-abortion in the
fullest sense of being part of the industry. Before directing CFC, she
was cofounder of the National Abortion Federation, a trade association
of abortion clinic managers. Hundreds of thousands of dollars are poured
into CFC from sources such as the Sunnen Foundation, the Brush
Foundation, the Ford Foundation, and the Unitarian Universalist Church-
all major backers of pro-abortion and population control programs. CFC's
first headquarters were located in the Planned Parenthood building in
New York, and the two organizations collaborate in placing ads and other
CFC efforts. And, of course, CFC is an affiliate of the Religious
Coalition for Abortion Rights.
In sum, CFC is in no way a voice of dissent from within American
Catholicism. It is a deliberately deceptive instrument of anti-Catholic
propaganda that is bankrolled and controlled by institutions that make
no secret of their belief that the Catholic Church is the single
greatest threat to abortion, eugenics, euthanasia, population control,
and other policies on the agenda of putative progress. Of course, they
are probably right about that. Now that CFC and Ms. Kissling have been
so thoroughly discredited, one waits to see what new ploy will be
devised to promote the phantasm of "an alternative Catholic view."
To Be Surprised by Joy
George Santayana on living with the knowledge of death: "That the end of
life should be death may be sad: yet what other end can anything have?
The end of an evening party is to go to bed; but its use is to gather
congenial people together, that they may pass the time pleasantly. An
invitation to the dance is not rendered ironical because the dance
cannot last forever. . . . The transitoriness of things is essential to
their physical being, and not at all sad in itself. . . . Folly on the
contrary imagines that any scent is worth following, that we have an
infinite nature, or no nature in particular, that life begins without
obligations and can do business without capital, and that the will is
vacuously free, instead of being a specific burden and a tight
hereditary knot to be unravelled."
The passage is quoted in Daniel Callahan's marvelously thoughtful new
book, The Troubled Dream of Life: Living With Mortality (Simon
& Schuster), to which we will be returning in these pages. Callahan
discusses the claim of the late theologian Paul Ramsey that "death with
dignity" is a cruel delusion, that death is the final insult, the final
indignity. With Santayana and others, Callahan wants to make the case
that we can make sense of death as part of life. One opposing position,
he notes, is the conceit that death can be conquered by medical science.
Another, as in the case of Ramsey, is the hope of life beyond death that
is offered by religion. But Callahan does not have it quite right. Paul
Ramsey recognized as fully as Callahan all that is involved in "living
with mortality." He did not need religion in order to cope with
mortality. The Christian truth of the resurrection is utterly
gratuitous. It is entirely a gift, both to those who can and those who
cannot cope with mortality. It is not a coping mechanism. In response to
Santayana's question, "What other end can anything have?" comes the
answer: the fulness of life, namely, God.
Callahan says that he no longer considers himself a Christian. But he
ends the book on this note. "Can death, and the life in which it is
embedded, be transcended? I do not see this for myself, but I hope to
live the remainder of my days in a way that at least puts me in a
position to be (as Wordsworth put it) 'surprised by joy.' It is unlikely
but perhaps not impossible. I wait and watch." As do we all. Although
some of us have been persuaded that we know the One for whom we wait and
watch.
But What About the Other Side?
This subscriber is undoubtedly right. She complains that all the
commentators in the last issue's symposium on the new encyclical,
Veritatis Splendor, were very positive about it. What about the
other side? she asks. What about it indeed. There are a couple of dozen
Catholic moral theologians we could have asked to participate. They
undoubtedly would have asserted, as in fact they have been asserting in
other publications, that "there is nobody here but us chickens." The
Pope has caricatured their positions, nobody teaches what the Pope
criticizes them for teaching, and so forth.
Or we could have asked the editors of, say, the National Catholic
Reporter to expand on their view that Catholics are once again
forced to choose between the Pope's morality of principle and Jesus'
morality of love (see item in While We're At It). Or we could have asked
Lutheran theologian Hans Philippi to expatiate on his complaint that
"the encyclical says nothing useful to my daughter, to my homosexual
friends, and to all those who simply wish to live as men and women
without fear and without the obligation of applying abstract rules." Or
Italian Protestant theologian Sergio Rostagno might have been asked to
extend his insight that the Pope is responding to ethical problems "by
reaffirming obedience to the norms dictated by his own church." Then
there is Konrad Raiser, general secretary of the World Council of
Churches, who says, "This text seems to want to close a debate which
should have been opened together ecumenically." Would it be interesting
to see what a document like Veritatis Splendor would look like
had it been written jointly by the Pope and the World Council of
Churches? No, probably not.
And that's the answer to our subscriber's inquiry. We didn't include
"the other side" because, quite frankly, it has nothing to say at this
point that is very interesting. The purpose of our symposium was to
positively set out the teaching of the encyclical and explore some of
its implications. Disagreement with the teaching, if disagreement there
must be, should follow the sympathetic engagement of the teaching. We're
so old-fashioned that we hold to what now sounds like the novel idea
that people should, before dissenting, know what they are dissenting
from. The conversation continues, and there will be ample time for
airing divergent arguments, also in these pages. Meanwhile, we continue
to think that Veritatis Splendor is one of the more splendid
things that has happened for moral reflection in this generally
unreflective century.
The Communities Missing from "Communitarianism"
The communitarian movement has come in for a good deal of attention in
the last few years. It is the baby of sociologist Amitai Etzioni, and
its platform is at least a movement toward the side of the angels in our
political and cultural wars. That is why this writer signed on to its
original manifesto, although not without misgivings. Recently, Etzioni
expanded the manifesto in the form of a book, The Spirit of
Community: Rights, Responsibilities, and the Communitarian Agenda
(Crown). Joshua Abramowitz reviews the book in The Public
Interest and, in our judgment, puts his finger on a serious, and
potentially fatal, weakness in the communitarian vision: "Etzioni is
mindful of two of the institutions that stand between the individual and
the state-the family and the community. But that's it. He goes two for
three. In other words, Etzioni's plans for a 'moral revival' pay almost
no attention to religion. When religion does come up, it is often tied
to intolerant excess-religious faith and authoritarian thuggery go hand
in hand. Presumably, that's because religions threaten the communitarian
agenda: they can be insular and socially inflexible, if not intolerant
of some community norms."
For communitarianism to ignore religion is to ignore the largest
associational (i.e., communitarian) pattern in American life. Religious
differences can fragment a movement, to be sure, but a communitarianism
that does not address how we should live with our deepest differences
would be a pretty timorous and feeble thing. In addition, while it is
understandable that the movement wants to avoid the fevered
disagreements over questions such as abortion-disagreements that are
often religiously grounded-a bolder communitarianism would welcome the
opportunity to explore the possibilities of civil accommodation on the
most controverted issues. In any event, Abramowitz is right: to speak of
moral revival in America without reference to religion is like speaking
of nutrition without reference to food, or of literacy without reference
to books. Communitarianism will become more plausible and effective when
it learns what Tocqueville meant when he said that "religion is the
first political institution" of American democracy.
While We're At It
- The World Council of Churches has called for the lifting of
sanctions against Serbia. Serbia is generally thought to be the chief
aggressor in the former Yugoslavia, having seized the lion's share of
the territory and perpetrated a great deal of bloody nastiness. The WCC
has a long record of supporting sanctions as an alternative to military
action. In South Africa, Iraq, Haiti, and elsewhere. The Catholics of
Croatia are not represented in the WCC. The Muslims of Bosnia are not
represented in the WCC. The Serbian Orthodox Church is a member of the
WCC. WCC officials deny that that has anything to do with their call for
lifting the sanctions against Serbia. Whether one believes that is an
indicator of where one draws the line between charity and naivete.
- Last year in this space we said, "When it works so well, do it
again." We then announced the second annual seminar on "Centesimus
Annus and the Free Society." Now we're announcing the third. This
time it will be in Krakow, Poland, July 3 to 24. The faculty includes
Michael Novak, George Weigel, James Nuechterlein, Russell Hittinger, and
Richard John Neuhaus, plus distinguished Polish intellectuals and church
leaders. Fellowships are available for ten American graduate students.
Send curriculum vitae and 300-word essay on the meaning of liberty to
Derek Cross, American Enterprise Institute, 1150 Seventeenth St., NW,
Washington D.C. 20036. Application deadline is Apri1 1, 1994.
- As Bernard Nathanson forcefully argued in these pages (April
1992), C. Everett Koop, when he was Surgeon General, was a very doubtful
friend of the pro-life movement. Now Koop is stumping the country for
the Clinton health plan. Christianity Today caught up with him
to ask his views on the state of the pro-life cause today. He opined
that it is necessary to achieve some compromise. There is a difference,
he said, "between ethical compromise and a political compromise." Fair
enough. But then this: "Koop regards the Roe decision as a
failed effort at conciliation: if pro-life advocates had allowed for
abortion in cases of rape and incest rather than demanding a ban on all
abortions, a sweeping court ruling such as Roe would have been
avoided, or at least delayed. 'A compromise could have averted millions
upon millions of abortions.' " Come again? In 1973, the year of
Roe, there was no pro-life movement to speak of. There had been
for several years an "abortion liberalization" movement that wanted to
expand the circumstances in which babies could be legally terminated. By
their own admission, the liberalizers were utterly surprised, and most
of them were delighted, by the sweeping decision of the Court. Far from
being interested in compromise, the Blackmun decision (reinforced by
subsequent decisions) was a judicial diktat that removed the question of
abortion from democratic deliberation and decision. Dr. Koop's
revisionist history is bizarre. His blaming of pro-lifers for the thirty
million abortions since Roe is unconscionable.
- As we've said before, in the absence of a No Comment Department,
we are reduced to noting items that would qualify if we had one. For
example, this National Catholic Reporter editorial on the
recent encyclical, Veritatis Splendor: "The Pope wants us all
to live in the world of Truth. But life, alas, is not like that. We live
in the penultimate world of muddle and confusion, with sparks of
goodness occasionally lighting up the darkness. And, when all is said
and done, the pilgrim Catholic, encyclical in hand, is left with a
dilemma: Where is the love? This, no matter how one reads it, is a
harsh, negative, rigid, authoritarian document. The Christian searches
vainly for the positive, affirming, all-embracing, compassionate tone of
the Christ in whose name the Pope wrote his encyclical; the Christ who
said to prostitutes and tax collectors and other rejects to come along
and follow him, who was anything but absolute, putting up instead an
umbrella big enough for everyone, and suggesting by his wholesome
attitude that he respected the intelligence and conscience God had given
to people in the first place. It is said that, 2,000 years later, the
Pope sees as the culmination of his pontificate the casting in cold
concrete of the glad, liberating message of Jesus. One can't help
feeling that one of them got it wrong." We do not have a No Comment
Department because we cannot resist commenting. That Our Lord's "big
umbrella" approach to evil reflects his "wholesome attitude" is really a
nice thing to say about Him. All that stuff about taking up your cross
and following Him notwithstanding, He's really a regular guy. You can
leave the fear and trembling business to that rigorous old Polish Pope.
"The Pope wants us to live in the world of Truth." Just imagine.
- It started out some years ago as a very interesting publication.
The National & International Religion Report (NIRR)
contained valuable information not readily available elsewhere. Under
its new editorship, however, it has tended downhill. NIRR has
become more and more a sheet of puffery for myriad Evangelical groups
claiming spectacular "Gospel awakenings" in places as various as Peru,
Romania, and Des Moines. If half the awakenings and spiritual
breakthroughs reported by Evangelical enthusiasts were true, the world
would have been evangelized a long time ago. More problematic is the
casual equation of success-measured by alleged conversions and money
raised-with divine blessing. The concluding item in the issue of
NIRR at hand is this: " 'Whenever there were, like, two outs or two
strikes or something, I'd ask God for help-and it worked,' Long Beach
(Calif.) Little League All-Stars shortstop and pitcher Sean Burroughs
told NIRR. Through the Western regionals and the World Series,
Burroughs pitched twenty consecutive innings without allowing a hit.
During the Series, he struck out thirty-two batters and got nine hits,
including two home runs. Burroughs, thirteen years old, told his mother
that when his team needs to rally, 'I've been asking God to give me
something to hit. He hasn't let me down yet.' " Not yet. And what is
young Burroughs to think when God doesn't come through for him? Perhaps
this is not as gross as the National Catholic Reporter's
editorial commendation of Jesus for having a "wholesome attitude," but
it's close. Given the fatuities peddled in the name of Christianity, one
would prefer not to be a Christian, were it not true.
- The cross is "in." Upmarket catalogues and fashion magazines are
featuring designer crosses by the dozens. This from Vogue:
"Both as streetwise pendants and as couture pieces, crosses have had a
popular revival. . . . With medieval-inspired fashion making its mark, a
cross worn at the neck or pinned to a jacket will continue to be the
definitive accessory of the moment-whether a simple wooden piece by Tom
Binns or Verdura's extravagant aquamarine-and-yellow-sapphire cross
(designed by Fulco di Verdura in tandem with Salvador Dali in 1942)."
How an instrument of torture and death became a fashion statement is
worth pondering. One cannot imagine the same thing happening to gallows,
electric chair, or guillotine. A friend says it's a backhanded
compliment to Christianity, since Easter removed the horror of the
cross. We don't think so. The resurrection defeated death; it did not
trivialize it. So what is a woman to do who wants to wear a cross as a
statement of faith? The best thing is probably to make it starkly simple
and very small, and, if asked what it means, respond with John 3:16.
Then wait until next season when Vogue and its ilk proclaim that
something else is "in." Maybe images of starving children in aquamarine-
and-yellow-sapphire.
- The late Aaron Wildavsky reviews Myron Magnet's The Dream and
the Nightmare: The Sixties' Legacy to the Underclass (Morrow).
Writing in The Public Interest, Wildavsky concludes with this:
"Several times Magnet rightly lets us know that the intersection of
poverty and race is critical to understanding the American condition.
When Gunnar Myrdal wrote decades ago about the American dilemma, he had
something else in mind: Most Americans were agreed that the values of
the established culture-equality under the law and equal opportunity-had
been systematically violated for black citizens. The problem was how to
act so as to realize values we held in common. Nowadays the new American
dilemma is that Americans in positions of power believe that equal
opportunity and equality under the law lack meaning unless they are
accompanied by greater equality of condition. Nowadays-hence the
confusion and consternation Magnet so ably reports-our dilemma is that
we do not agree about what ought to constitute, to use the old phrase,
the American way of life. It is not just the struggle for the soul of
the underclass but for the soul of America, which we once called 'our'
America, that is revealed in this immensely valuable book."
- As noted here some while back, the question has again come up as
to whether Church World Service (CWS), by far the largest part of the
National Council of Churches (NCC), should split off from the council.
Apparently the idea has been put on the back burner, again. Appointed as
the new director of CWS is R. Lawrence Turnipseed, a United Methodist.
NCC general secretary Joan Brown Campbell says, "Lonnie and I share a
commitment to preserve the integrity of the council's work." We wish
Lonnie Turnipseed well.
- Another "Future of the American Church Conference" in Washington,
D.C., has come and gone. Even the National Catholic Reporter
admits that it looks more like the past than the future. The
participants are increasingly broad of beam and grey of head. The
conference used to attract 2,000 and more, but this year-even though the
theme was the hot topic of culture and gender-"the 600 participants,
mostly women religious, were white, mainly over fifty, and already well
educated about church tensions." Key speakers such as Father Charles
Curran, Anthony Padovano, and Rosemary Ruether "came under fire . . . as
'old warhorse theologians' who come back as repeats on the conference
schedule year after year." Curiously, the report ends with the
observation that "People are tired of this grim-faced patriarchal church
of old men who hang on too long to office to fight for the church of
yesterday with no thought, or little thought, that they're losing the
church of tomorrow." Old men like John Paul II at the world youth
gathering in Denver, presumably. There was, apparently, one innovation
at the Washington conference. It seems a new translation of the Bible
was introduced. The report says that Franciscan Sister Fran Feder spoke
on Paul's letter to the Galatians, "which states there is no distinction
between heterosexual and homosexual, cleric and lay, white and
multicultural." Pray that the Future of the Church conference will rest
in peace, as the rest of us move on to the future of the Church.
- For reasons far from clear, Karen Armstrong's A History of
God: The 4000-Year Quest of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam
garnered much acclaim when published in Britain (Knopf has just brought
it out here). One can understand why the ostentatiously atheistic A. N.
Wilson likes it. "This," he writes, "is the most fascinating and learned
study of the biggest wild goose chase in history-the quest for God." But
then Robert Runcie, former Archbishop of Canterbury, effuses, "She
refreshes the understanding of what one knows, and provides a clear
introduction to the unfamiliar." One is forced to wonder what it is that
His Grace thinks he knows. Toward the end of this 460-page tome,
Armstrong, a former nun, allows, "Some people still find it possible to
find meaning in the idea of God." She mentions Karl Barth, perhaps the
most influential theologian of this century, as an example. But of him
she remarks, "It seems unhealthy to combine such radical skepticism in
the powers of the intellect with such an uncritical acceptance of the
truths of scripture." So there. We are rather sure that it is unhealthy,
if that's the word, to expose oneself unduly to the feather-brained
ideas of an ill-informed ex-believer whose grasp of theological thought
is as feeble as her hold on English style ("find it possible to find
meaning," "skepticism in the powers of the intellect"). Really, Runcie.
- Lutheran Brotherhood, a fraternal insurance outfit, has this full-
page ad in several Lutheran publications. The bold headline is "The
Wall Street Journal recently reported our variable annuities are
some of the best in the industry." Below that is a little cartoon fellow
with a balloon that says, "Now that's what I call good news." As
distinct from what Lutherans have usually insisted is the good news?
- One need not agree with Fr. Raymond Schroth about the possibility
of women priests in order to agree with his point about meddling with
the Bible in order to achieve that and so many other fashionable ends.
This from "Let's Go to the Text" in America: "A faculty friend
told me the story of the nineteenth-century abolitionist preacher who
took his scissors and clipped all the references to slavery out of his
Bible, as if that would further the cause of racial justice. We can try
the same tactic, and we'll end up with a wishy-washy religion that
eliminates anything from the gospel message that makes us feel ill at
ease, anything odd or foreign or difficult to understand. Since there is
no sound scriptural argument against women's ordination, the Scripture,
truly understood, must be the best weapon for the liberation of women
and men alike. The danger is that by the year 2000 this kind of movement
for 'equality' will have so unsexed the liberating power of the Gospels
that we won't have women priests. We'll have the same old male priests
who will stand at the altar, raise their hands, and intone: 'The Force
be with you.'"
- Writing on the death of approximately eighty-five Branch Davidians
near Waco, Texas, Daniel Wattenberg notes that all that artillery was
brought to bear before David Koresh and his followers were even charged
with a crime. As for the ballyhoo about their being armed and dangerous:
"Texas Rangers recovered about two hundred guns from the crime scene,
roughly two per resident. Statewide in Texas, seventeen million people
own sixty million guns, or about four per resident." In view of the
egregiously self-serving whitewash coming out of Janet Reno's Justice
Department, one expects that there will be further examinations of what
happened at Waco, possibly the most direct and bloody assault on
religion by government force in American history, or at least since
Joseph Smith and his followers were killed in 1844. It is a subject that
will receive further attention in the pages of this journal.
- The University of Detroit Mercy is all in a stir over a book
published by Jane Schaberg, until recently chairman of the religious
studies department. Her book, The Illegitimacy of Jesus
(HarperCollins, wouldn't you know), contends that Jesus was not
conceived by the Holy Spirit. Mary was raped by a man. Detroit Mercy, a
Catholic school, has not been entirely supportive, Ms. Schaberg
complains. She still has her job, she says, but "I didn't know the
university was going to cave in like this." Reporter Robin Wilson
continues: "She is reluctant to discuss her religious beliefs (she says
she goes to church 'when I think I can handle my anger'). But she says
it is important for feminist scholars to continue to address Catholic
teachings. 'I believe that it's a very dangerous thing for women to
simply opt out and say, "The male church can have the buildings, the
institution, the money, the power, and we'll go somewhere else," she
says. 'The Catholic Church is a living organism, and it's currently one
of the most deadly to women.' " It puts one in mind of an admirably
candid response by Rosemary Radford Ruether many years ago. Asked why-in
view of all that she says she doesn't believe that the Church does
believe and does believe that the Church doesn't believe-she still stays
in the Church, Ms. Ruether answered, "That's where the xerox machines
are." It makes sense, of a sort.
- ICEL (pronounced eye-sell) is the International Commission on
English in the Liturgy, and it is in charge of liturgical texts for
English-speaking churches around the world. A big issue, as you might
imagine, is "inclusive" language. A reporter was asked to submit
questions in writing to Dr. John Page, ICEL's executive secretary.
Question: Are "man," "him," "his," and "he" inclusive of both sexes? Dr.
Page's answer: "It is ICEL's position that those words are no longer
generic terms inclusive of men as well as women. We would find sanction
for this in various recent editions of standard English dictionaries,
for example, the 1992 edition of The American Heritage
Dictionary of the English Language where the first meaning under
the entry 'man' is 'an adult male human being.' " Responding to Dr.
Page, Fr. Joseph Fessio, publisher of the Catholic World
Report, wrote: "Dictionaries of the English language (going back to
Old English) have for centuries given as the first meaning for 'man' 'a
member of the human race; a person' or the equivalent. By the principle
you [Page] are using, the word 'man' would never have meant 'an adult
male person' until recently. Or, to put it in the form you used: 'It is
ICEL's position that prior to 1992 "man" was not a specific term
excluding women and children. We would find sanction for this in all
editions of standard English dictionaries prior to 1992 where the first
meaning under the entry "man" is "a member of the human race." ' "
Fessio continued: "In fact, the dictionary you cite gives as the second
of fourteen meanings of the entry 'man' (all still current) 'any human
being as distinguished from an animal or deity; a member of the human
race; a person,' and as the third meaning 'the human race; mankind.'
Surely you don't think that because the second meaning replaced the
first in one dictionary (most dictionaries retain the traditional
order), the centuries-old generic meaning has vanished?" Giving an
example of the wrongheadedness of Page's position, Fessio noted, "It's
as if one said, 'The ICEL episcopal boardrooom is full of crooks,'
explaining that the first meaning for that word in The American
Heritage Dictionary is 'an implement or tool, such as a bishop's
crosier . . . with a bent or crooked part.' " We do not know if Dr. Page
has been heard from again.
- No, of course we didn't go to the Parliament of the World's
Religions in Chicago last summer. Some of the more mainstream Protestant
and Catholic figures who gingerly hovered at its edges worried that big
money behind sundry Asian and goddess groups might use the parliament to
challenge more established interreligious enterprises. It seems
unlikely. The parliament's manifesto, written by reliably dissident
Catholic theologian Hans Kung, didn't mention God for fear of offending
those whose theology takes them no further than "Ultimate Reality." The
Orthodox churches, bad sports that they are, pulled out halfway through
because of the systematic bashing of Christianity. But David Toolan of
America stayed on. He says it was a "hoot," and Toolan knows a
hoot when he sees one. Devotees of the Egyptian goddess Isis were so
popular, he reports, that their ritual observances had to switch rooms
three times in order to accommodate the crowds. Toolan continues: "One
of the opportunities of a meeting like this is to suspend bias and
stretch one's horizons. Dutifully, I went looking for Muslims who were
willing to talk honestly about 'jihad.' Not much luck. I did better with
benign witches. I went to hear Phyllis Currot, a New York attorney and
president and high priestess of the largest Wicca organization, the
Covenant of the Goddess. Ms. Currot's account of Western history was a
bit crude, I found, but her theology (the 'indigenous religion of
Europe,' she called it) sounded a good deal like Bernard of Clairvaux's
nature mysticism and could have served as an introduction to a medieval
vision of a sacramental universe. Her predictable enemy: an
androcentric, patriarchal, and Cartesian Christianity that legitimizes
ecological destruction. Chief Seattle, oracle of Pacific-Northwest
Indians in the 1850s, you will not be surprised to hear, is a Wiccan
hero. Nature, we were told, is an 'epiphany of God'-and for backup Ms.
Currot cited Father Thomas Berry's Dream of the Earth. Nothing
Satanic here, I thought, though on street corners outside the hotel the
followers of the jailed Lyndon Larouche ('the nation's leading political
prisoner,' they called him) were claiming that the whole conference
agenda ('environmentalism, population control, and One Worldism')
represented a New Age conspiracy and was the work of the Devil." Toolan
may have a piece of a point, but Bernard of Clairvaux and the "medieval
vision" did have a thing about Jesus Christ, Trinity, and so forth. As
for the opinion of the execrable Lyndon Larouche, even a stopped clock
is right sometime.
Email this to a friend
copyright
© 1995-2012
Leadership U. All rights reserved.
Updated: 13 July 2002
|